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The Sedition Committee Report 1918, Chapter 14 and 15

The Sedition Committee Report 1918 CH14 CH15

Contents

CHAPTER XIV: A Muhammadan Current.

160. Indian Muhammadans and the War.

161. The Hindustan fanatics.

162. The flight of the Lahore students.

163. It’s significance.

164. The “Silk Letter” conspirators.

165. Conclusion.

CHAPTER XV: Summary of Conclusions.

166. The nature of all these conspiracies. Their failure.

 

CHAPTER XIV: A Muhammadan Current.

160. Indian Muhammadans and the War.

The Census figures of 1911 show that in India, on an average, of every ten persons seven are Hindus, two are Muhammadans, and one is a follower of some other religion. The Muhammadans are, however, unevenly distributed; in the North-West Frontier Province and in Baluchistan nine men out of every ten are Muslims, in the Punjab and Bengal every second man, in Bombay one mail out of five, and in the United Provinces one man out of seven. British rule, however, followed closely on the decay of Muslim sovereignty; and the political importance of Indian Muslims has always outweighed their actual numbers. But in the early years of the new dispensation, they were slow to appreciate the advantages of Western learning; and when at last they realized that under Western administration this must be necessarily the way to office and power they had lost considerable ground. Much of this ground, however, they succeeded in recovering; and when the Morley Minto reforms of 1908 were carried into effect, representative Muhammadans took a distinguished place in the councils of the Indian Empire.

Very few Muhammadans were in any degree concerned in any of the conspiracies described in our previous chapters; and the only recent movement towards the forcible subversion of British rule which can be termed Muhammadan was isolated, weakly supported, and mainly due to the remarkable circumstances of present times.

The sympathy of Indian Muslims with Turkey was noticeable as long ago as the Crimean War; and, before the outbreak of the present gigantic struggle, had strengthened with improved communications and a wider interest in the world outside India. The feeling had been fanned by pan-Islamic influences to some of; which we have referred in our chapter on the Punjab, by the war between Italy and Turkey, and by the events of the Balkan War. The British agreement with Russia regarding Persia was much disliked, and British inaction during the Balkan War was contrasted with Britain’s championship of Turkey in former days. It was said by some that, unless the Imperial policy altered, the Muslim status in Asia and Europe would be permanently abased. The worst interpretation possible was placed by certain Muslim newspapers on all occurrences in or out of India which could be adduced in support of this theory.

When these things are remembered, it is evident that the choice which confronted zealous Muhammadans in November 1914 was one of some complexity. The declaration of war came from Turkey. But that pan-Islamism should find no expression in after events, that it should contribute no trouble of any kind could perhaps hardly be expected. In the mass, Indian Muslims may justly claim credit for the part which they have played. This part has been prompted in some measure by the declaration which immediately followed the news of Turkey’s entry into the arena, that the holy cities of Arabia and sacred shrines of Mesopotamia would not be attacked by Britain and her allies, sowing as Indian pilgrims remained unmolested. And the loyal manifesto simultaneously published by His Exalted Highness the Nizam of Hyderabad, premier ruling Chief of India, set a valuable example to his coreligionists.

But among a small and vaguely defined group of fanatical Muhammadans there has been a desire to assist or join the enemies of England, a wish to substitute a new Islamic Empire for present British rule in India. This wish has borne fruit in proceedings which we will now describe.

161. The Hindustan fanatics.

In independent territory across the border of the North-West Province there is a small colony of Hindustani fanatics, who go by the name of Mujahidin, The colony was founded by Saiyid Ahmad Shah, a native of Rai Bareli in Oudh and a fervent apostle in India of the Wahabi sect. Wahabis are an advanced division of the Sunnis, believers in the doctrines of Abdul Wahab, an Arab reformer of the eighteenth century, who taught literal interpretation of the Koran and rejection of all priestly forms, ceremonies and glosses on the Holy Writ. Saiyid Ahmad, who had begun life as a soldier of fortune, adopted Wahabi doctrines, visited Mecca in 1822, returned to India, where he acquired a following at various places in the Gangetic plain, and in 1824 appeared among the mountain tribes on the Peshawar border preaching a jihad or war against the Sikh kingdom of the Punjab. Together with his adherents, he founded a colony which, although small, has survived many vicissitudes and remains until now. It has frequently been assisted by recruits and funds from co-religionists in this country many of whom have lent their support to this colony as a purely religious institution without enquiring into its political tendencies. Its members regard India as a land not governed by Muslims and therefore unfit for Muslim habitation, a land of the enemy (dar-ul-harb). They have always preached jihad. They have always kept in touch with, and drawn support from, a secret organization of friends in India. During the troubles of 1857 they were joined by a number of mutineers and endeavoured unsuccessfully to bring about a general frontier attack. Later on, they took part in various border wars, and in 1915 were concerned in the rising which led up to the engagements at Rustam and Shabkadr. Twelve of their number, dressed in the customary black robes, were found dead on the field after the latter.

162. The flight of the Lahore students.

In our chapter on the Punjab, we mentioned that in February 1915 fifteen Lahore students left their colleges and joined the Mujahidin, subsequently proceeding to Kabul, where they were first placed in strict detention and afterwards released and allowed some freedom of movement under surveillance. Two have returned to India. Three were captured by the Russians and made over to the British authorities. They expressed contrition for their behaviour and have received conditional pardon. The whole fifteen have been called by their admirers the Muhajirin (the persons who, following the example of the prophet Muhammad, have fled from their homes under oppression). We have read the statements of two of those who have returned. One was impressed by a printed tract with the idea that the Sultan of Turkey had proclaimed that it was feared that the British might attack and dishonour Mecca and Medina. Indian Muhammadans should therefore rise and proceed to an Islamic country. They must unite in jihad against non-Muslims. The other student was equally stirred by the Sultan’s proclamation and was offended by a picture in an English newspaper which he considered obnoxious to Islamic sentiment. Both had conceived the false idea that the Muhammadan religion was insulted and oppressed in India.

163. It’s significance.

Times like the present bring to the surface secret and long forgotten currents. The flight of the fifteen students from Lahore was a visible sign that there are in this country, as there were fifty years ago, a few Muhammadans who teach that the way of salvation lies in waging war against the infidel Government of India either personally or by recruiting for or sending money to the Mujahidin. This fact has been established by other evidence. In January 1917 it was discovered that a party of eight Muhammadans had joined the Mujahidin from the districts of Rangpur and Dacca in Eastern Bengal. In March 1917 two Bengali Muhammadans were arrested in the North-West Frontier Province with Rs. 8,000 in their possession which they were conveying to the fanatical colony. These two men had been for some time themselves Mujahidin and had been sent down to their native districts to collect subscriptions. The ground is prepared for such persons and their work is facilitated by false allegations of British oppression. They have helpers of a type that is not new but has for many years been generally lost to official sight. Various State trials of such helpers took place between the years 1864 and 1872. In 1868 some Wahabi conspirators were interned under the provisions of Act III of 1818. The following passages from a book named “Our Indian Musalmans”, published by the late Sir William (then Mr.) Hunter of the Indian Civil Service, explain the circumstances of these internments: — “There can be no little doubt that had this Act been applied to the confederacy, which the campaign of 1858 and the subsequent enquiries disclosed, British India would have been spared the Frontier War of 1863. A few well-aimed arrests would have saved us nearly a thousand soldiers killed or wounded in the Ambeyla Pass, and many hundred thousand pounds. Even after that war, if the conspiracy, which the State trial of 1864 brought to light, had been broken up by a vigorous use of the power of arrest by the Executive, we should in all probability have been spared the campaign on the Black Mountain in 1868…. Costly wars on our Frontier, severe judicial sentences within our territory, had alike failed to put down the fanatical confederacy; and in 1868 the Government at length resolved to vigorously enforce its power of arresting offenders. This measure could be carried out without risk of injury to the innocent…. Lists of the leading traitors had for several years been in the hands of the authorities. The most conspicuous preachers of treason were apprehended; the spell which they had exerted on their followers was broken; and by degrees a phalanx of testimony was gathered together against those more secret and meaner, although richer, traitors who managed the remittances, and who, like the Army contractors in the trial of 1864, carried on a profitable business as underwriters of treasonable risks.”

We find that the recorded proceedings of the Bengal Government for the year 1869 contain the abstracts of charges and grounds of detention in regard to each of these old internees. We quote a specimen extract. It relates to a certain Nazir Sirdar of the Malda district and discloses practices which are now rare but have not ceased to exist. The warrant for the detention of this man was issued on the 10th of November 1868. The grounds for its issue were these: — “It was found that contributions were openly made in several villages contiguous to Kalleea Chuk in Maldah for jihad or religious war against the English, with the intention of restoring the Muhammadan rule and driving the Kafir (English) from the country; several persons were arrested, and witnesses were examined by the Magistrate. The evidence showed that Nazir Sirdar was the leader of this movement; that he had taken an active and prominent part for several years; that he had induced several men to proceed on jihad to join the Hindustanees at Malka and Sittana; and that he and his agents had levied contributions from all Musalmans on account of jihad. The evidence also showed that Ibrahim Mandal was the head centre to whom Nazir sent all sums collected by him and his agents, and who received those contributions, avowedly to remit the same to the fanatics across the frontier.”

164. The “Silk Letter” conspirators.

Favourers of the Mujahidin are few in number, but supply an essential link in a chain of communication, which the persons, whom we shall here designate, have sought to establish with the Muslims of India. In August 1916 the plot known to Government as the “Silk Letters” case was discovered. This was a project hatched in India with the object of destroying British rule by means of an attack on the North-West Frontier, supplemented by a Muhammadan rising in this country. For the purpose of instigating and executing this plan a certain Maulvi Obeidulla crossed the North-West Frontier early in August 1915 with three companions, Abdulla, Fateh Muhammad and Muhammad Ali. Obeidulla is a converted Sikh and had been trained as a Maulvi in the Muslim religious school at Deoband in the Saharanpur district of the United Provinces. There he infected some of the staff and students with his own militant and anti-British ideas, and the principal person whom he influenced was Maulana Mahmud Hassan, who had long been head Maulvi in the school. Obeidulla wished to spread over India a pan-Islamic and anti-British movement through the agency of Maulvis trained in the famous Deoband school. But his plans were thwarted by the Manager and Committee, who dismissed him and some of his chief associates. There is evidence too that he got into trouble over some accounts. Maulana Mahmud Hassan, however, remained and continued to receive visits from Obeidulla. Secret meetings were held at the Maulana’s house and it was reported that men from the frontier had been received there. On September the 18th, 1915, Mahmud Hassan, with a certain Muhammad Mian and other friends, followed Obeidulla’s example by leaving India, not however for the North, but for the Hedjaz tract of Arabia.

Before departing, Obeidulla had started a school in Delhi, and had put two books into circulation preaching militant fanaticism to Indian Muhammadans and impressing on them the supreme duty of jihad. The common object of this man and his friends, including the Maulana, was to promote a great Muslim attack on India which should synchronize with a Muslim rebellion. We shall see how each endeavoured to accomplish his purpose.

Obeidulla and his friends first visited the Hindustani fanatics and afterwards proceeded to Kabul. There he met the members of a Turco-German Mission with whom he fraternized; and after some time, he was joined by his Deoband friend, Maulvi Muhammad Mian Ansari. This man had accompanied Maulana Mahmud Hassan to Arabia and returned in 1916 with a declaration of jihad received by the Maulana from the hand of Ghalib Pasha, then Turkish Military Governor of the Hedjaz. While on his way, Muhammad Mian distributed copies of this document, known as the “Ghalibnama”, both in India and among the frontier tribes. Obeidulla and his fellow conspirators had devised a scheme for the provisional government of India after the overthrow of British power. (Obeidulla has thus been described by one who knew him well: “He was an extraordinary man for drawing up schemes, so that one would imagine he was ruler of a great empire, but when there was real work to be done, he was lazy and indifferent about doing anything himself.”) A certain Mahendra Pratap was to be President. This man is a Hindu of good family and eccentric character, who, at the end of 1914, was granted a passport to travel in Italy, Switzerland and France. He had gone straight to Geneva, had there met the notorious Hardayal and had been by Hardayal introduced to the German Consul. He had then proceeded to Berlin and had thence been despatched on a special mission, having apparently impressed the Germans with an exaggerated idea of his importance.

Obeidulla himself was to be Minister of India, and Barkatulla, a friend of Krishnavarma’s and a member of the American Ghadr party, who had also travelled to Kabul via Berlin, was to be Prime Minister. Son of a servant of the Bhopal State, he had visited England, America and Japan. He had been appointed Professor of Hindustani at Tokio. He had there edited a bitter anti-British paper called “The Islamic Fraternity”, which was suppressed by the Japanese authorities. He had later been dismissed from his appointment and had then joined his Ghadr friends in America.

The Germans of the Mission, failing to achieve their object, left Afghanistan early in 1916; but the Indians remained and the “Provisional Government” despatched letters to both the Governor of Russian Turkestan and the then Czar of Russia inviting Russia to throw over her alliance with Great Britain and assist in the overthrow of British 'rule in India. These were signed by Mahendra Pratap and subsequently fell into British hands. The letter to the Czar was on a gold plate, a photograph of which has been shown to us.

The “Provisional Government” also proposed to form an alliance with the Turkish Government, and in order to accomplish this object Obeidulla addressed a letter to his old friend, Maulana Mahmud Hassan. This together with another letter dated the 8th Ramzan (9th July 1916), written by Muhammad Mian Ansari, he forwarded under a covering note addressed to Sheikh Abdur Rahim of Hyderabad, Sind, a person who has since absconded. Sheikh Abdur Rahim was requested in the note to send on the enclosures by the hand of some reliable hadji (pilgrim) to Mahmud Hassan at Mecca, or even to convey them himself if no trustworthy messenger were obtainable. We have ourselves seen the letters to Mahmud Hassan which came into British hands. They are neatly and clearly written on yellow silk. Muhammad Mian’s letter mentioned the previous arrival of the German and Turkish missions, the return of the Germans, the staying on of the Turks, “but without work”, the runaway students, the circulation of the “Ghalibnama”, “the Provisional Government”, and the projected formation of an “army of God”. This army was to draw recruits from India and to bring about an alliance among Islamic rules. Mahmud Hassan was to convey all these particulars to the Ottoman Government. Obeidulla’s letter contained a tabular statement of the “army of God”. Its headquarters were to be at Medina, and Mahmud Hassan himself was to be general-in-chief. Secondary headquarters under local generals were to be established at Constantinople, Teheran and Kabul. The general at Kabul would be Obeidulla himself. The table contains the names of three patrons, 12 field marshals, and many other high military officers. Of the Lahore students, one was to be a major-general, one a colonel, and six lieutenant-colonels. Most of the persons designated for these high commands cannot have been consulted as to their appointments. But the whole information conveyed by the silk letters has rendered certain precautions advisable, and these have been taken.

In December 1916 Maulana Mahmud Hassan and four of his companions fell into British hands. They are now prisoners of war interned in a British possession. Ghalib Pasha, the signer of the “Ghalibnama” is also a prisoner of war and has admitted signing a paper put before him by the Mahmud Hassan party. A translation of its prominent passages runs as follows: — “The Muhammadans in Asia, Europe and Africa adorned themselves with all sorts of arms and rushed to join the jihad in the path of God. Thanks to Almighty God that the Turkish Army and the Mujahidin have overcome the enemies of Islam…. Oh Moslems, therefore attack the tyrannical Christian government under whose bondage you are…. Hasten to put all your efforts, with strong resolution, to strangle the enemy to death and show your hatred and enmity for them. It may also be known to you that Maulvi Mahmud Hassan Effendi (formerly at the Deoband Madrassa, India) came to us and sought our counsel. We agreed with him in this respect and gave him necessary instructions. You should trust him if he comes to you and help him with men, money and whatever he requires.”

165. Conclusion.

The facts narrated in this chapter establish clearly the anxiety of some Muhammadan fanatics to provoke first sedition and then rebellion in India. For the purpose of accomplishing their objects they seek to co-operate with the enemies of Britain. Their methods of waging war range from subterranean intrigue and propaganda to open defection. Sometimes they send recruits or collect and remit money. Sometimes they go themselves. Always they preach sedition. Against their designs the loyalty of the general Muslim community and the effective power of the Government are the only safeguards.

CHAPTER XV: Summary of Conclusions.

166. The nature of all these conspiracies. Their failure.

We have now investigated all the conspiracies connected with the revolutionary movement. In Bombay they have been purely Brahmin and mostly Chitpavan. In Bengal the conspirators have been young men belonging to the educated middle classes. Their propaganda has been elaborate, persistent and ingenious. In their own province it has produced a long series of murders and robberies. In Bihar and Orissa, the United Provinces, the Central Provinces and Madras, it took no root, but occasionally led to crime or disorder. In the Punjab the return of emigrants from America, bent on revolution and bloodshed, produced numerous outrages and the Ghadr conspiracy of 1915. In Burma, too, the Ghadr movement was active, but was arrested.

Finally came a Muhammadan conspiracy confined to a small clique of fanatics and designed to overthrow British rule with foreign aid.

All these plots have been directed towards one and the same objective, the overthrow by force of British rule in India. Sometimes they have been isolated; sometimes they have been interconnected; sometimes they have been encouraged and supported by German influence. All have been successfully encountered with the support of Indian loyalty. But it is not surprising that, in dealing with conspiracies so elusive and carefully contrived, Government has been compelled to resort to extra-ordinary legislation. In our next chapter we shall show why codes and procedure devised in less difficult times failed to meet the necessities of the situation created by some of the conspiracies which we have described.

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